The Editorial Team of "Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party"

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Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party

Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party—Introduction

Commentary 1: On What the Communist Party Is

Commentary 2: On the Beginnings of the Chinese Communist Party

Commentary 3: On the Tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party

Commentary 4: On How the Communist Party Opposes the Universe

Commentary 5: On the Collusion of Jiang Zemin and the Chinese Communist Party to Persecute Falun Gong

Commentary 6: On How the Chinese Communist Party Destroyed Traditional Culture

Commentary 7: On the Chinese Communist Party’s History of Killing

Commentary 8: On How the Chinese Communist Party Is an Evil Cult

Commentary 9: On the Unscrupulous Nature of the Chinese Communist Party

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<em>The Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party were first published in November of 2004, followed quickly by an English translation. In 15 years, the series has led over 300 million Chinese to renounce the communist party and its affiliated organizations, fostering an unprecedented peaceful movement for transformation and change in China. People continue to renounce the party every day. Here we republish the newly re-edited Nine Commentaries, linked to video versions produced by our partner media <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7HPghxhe7OE&list=PLED64004A96BE76FA">NTD Television</a>. For the other Commentaries, please see the <a title="Nine Commentaries Table of Contents and Introduction" href="https://www.ntd.com/nine-commentaries-on-the-communist-party-introduction_482459.html">Table of Contents</a>.</em>
<h2>Foreword</h2>
When speaking about tyranny, most Chinese people are reminded of Qin Shi Huang (259–210 B.C.), the first Emperor of the Qin Dynasty, whose oppressive court burnt philosophical books and buried Confucian scholars alive. Qin Shi Huang's harsh treatment of his people came from his policy of "supporting his rule with all of the resources under heaven.[1]"

This policy had four main aspects: excessively heavy taxation, wasting human labor for projects to glorify himself, brutal torture under harsh laws and punishing even the offenders' family members and neighbors, and controlling people's minds by blocking all avenues of free thinking and expression through burning books and even burying scholars alive.

Under the rule of Qin Shi Huang, China had a population of about 10 million; Qin's court drafted over 2 million to perform forced labor. Qin Shi Huang brought his harsh laws into the intellectual realm, prohibiting freedom of thought on a massive scale. During his rule, thousands of Confucian scholars and officials who criticized the government were killed.

Today the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) violence and abuses are even more severe than those of the tyrannical Qin Dynasty. The CCP's philosophy is one of struggle, and the CCP's rule has been built upon a series of class struggles, struggles about the direction of the Party, and ideological struggles, both in China and toward other nations.

Mao Zedong, the first CCP leader of the People's Republic of China (PRC), put it bluntly by saying, "What can Emperor Qin Shihuang brag about? He only killed 460 Confucian scholars, but we killed 46,000 intellectuals. There are people who accuse us of practicing dictatorship like Emperor Qin Shihuang and we admit it all. It fits the reality. It is a pity that they did not give us enough credit, so we need to add to it."[2]

Let's take a look at China's arduous 55 years under the rule of the CCP. As its founding philosophy is one of class struggle, the CCP has spared no efforts since taking power to commit class genocide and has achieved its reign of terror by means of violent revolution.

Killing and brainwashing have been used hand-in-hand to suppress any beliefs other than communist theory. The CCP has launched one movement after another to portray itself as infallible and godlike. Following its theories of class struggle and violent revolution, the CCP has tried to purge dissidents and opposing social classes, using violence and deception to force all Chinese people to become the obedient servants of its tyrannical rule.
<h2>I. Land Reform—Eliminating the Landlord Class</h2>
Barely three months after the founding of communist China, the CCP called for the elimination of the landlord class as one of the guidelines for its nationwide land reform program. The Party's slogan "land to the tiller" indulged the selfish side of the landless peasants, encouraged them to struggle with the landowners by whatever means and to disregard the moral implications of their actions.

The land reform campaign explicitly stipulated eliminating the landlord class, and classified the rural population into different social categories. Twenty million rural inhabitants nationwide were labeled landlords, rich peasants, reactionaries, or bad elements. These new outcasts faced discrimination, humiliation, and loss of all their civil rights.

As the land reform campaign extended its reach to remote areas and the villages of ethnic minorities, the CCP's organizations also expanded quickly. Township Party committees and village Party branches spread all over China. The local branches were the mouthpiece for passing instructions from the CCP's central committee and were at the frontline of the class struggle, inciting peasants to rise up against their landlords.

Nearly 100,000 landlords died during this movement. In certain areas the CCP and the peasants killed the landlords' entire families, disregarding gender or age, as a way to completely wipe out the landlord class.

In the meantime, the CCP launched its first wave of propaganda, declaring that "Chairman Mao is the great savior of the people" and that "only the CCP can save China."

During the land reform, landless farmers got what they wanted through the CCP's policy of reaping without laboring, robbing without concern for the means. Poor peasants credited the CCP for the improvement in their lives and so accepted the CCP's propaganda that the Party worked for the interests of the people.

For the owners of the newly acquired land, the good days of "land to the tiller" were short-lived. Within two years, the CCP imposed a number of practices on the farmers, such as mutual-aid groups, primary cooperatives, advanced cooperatives, and people's communes.

Using the slogan of criticizing "women with bound feet"—meaning those who are slow paced—the CCP drove and pushed, year after year, urging peasants to dash into socialism.

Mao Zedong by a flag that says: Governing power comes from guns.

With grain, cotton, and cooking oil placed under a unified procurement system nationwide, the major agricultural products were excluded from market exchange. In addition, the CCP established a residential registration system, barring peasants from going to the cities to find work or dwell.

Those who are registered as rural residents were not allowed to buy grain at state-run stores, and their children were prohibited from receiving education in cities. Peasants' children could only be peasants, turning the 360 million rural residents of the early 1950s into second-class citizens.

Beginning in 1978, in the first five years after moving from a collective system to a household contract system, some among the 900 million peasants became better off, with their income increasing slightly and their social status improving somewhat.

However, such a meager benefit was soon lost due to a price structure that favored industrial commodities over agricultural goods. Peasants plunged into poverty once again. The income gap between the urban and rural population has drastically increased, and economic disparity continues to widen.

New landlords and rich peasants have re-emerged in the rural areas. Data from Xinhua News Agency, the CCP's mouthpiece, shows that since 1997 the revenue of the major grain production areas and the income of most rural households have been at a standstill or even have declined in some cases.

In other words, the peasants' return on agricultural production did not really increase. The ratio of urban to rural incomes has increased from 1.8 to 1 in the mid 1980s to 3.1 to 1 today.
<h2>II. Eliminating the Capitalist Class</h2>
Another class that the CCP wanted to eliminate was the national bourgeoisie, who owned capital in cities and rural towns. While reforming China's industry and commerce, the CCP claimed that the capitalist class and the working class were different in nature: the former was the exploiting class while the latter was the class that did not exploit and opposed exploitation.

According to this logic, the capitalist class was born to exploit and wouldn't stop doing so until it perished; it could only be eliminated, not reformed. The CCP used both killing and brainwashing to "transform" capitalists and merchants.

The CCP's long-tested method of supporting the obedient and destroying those who disagreed was employed. If you surrendered your assets to the state and supported the CCP, you were considered just a minor problem among the people.

If, on the other hand, you disagreed with or complained about the CCP's policy, you would be labeled a reactionary and become the target of the CCP's draconian dictatorship.

During the reign of terror that ensued during these reforms, capitalists and business owners all surrendered their assets. Many of them couldn't bear the humiliation they faced and committed suicide.

Chen Yi, then mayor of Shanghai, asked every day, "How many paratroopers did we have today?" referring to the number of capitalists who had committed suicide by jumping from the tops of buildings that day. In only a few years, the CCP completely eliminated private ownership in China.

While carrying out its land and industrial reform programs, the CCP launched many massive movements that persecuted the Chinese people. These movements included the suppression of counter-revolutionaries, thought reform campaigns, cleansing the anti-CCP clique headed by Gao Gang and Rao Shushi,[3] probing Hu Feng's[4] counter-revolutionary group, the Three Anti Campaign, the Five Anti Campaign, and the further cleansing of counter-revolutionaries.

The CCP used these movements to target and brutally persecute countless innocent people. In every political movement, the CCP fully utilized its control of government resources in conjunction with the Party's committees, branches, and sub-branches.

Three Party members would form a small combat team, infiltrating all villages and neighborhoods. These combat teams were ubiquitous, leaving no stone unturned. This deeply entrenched Party control network, inherited from the CCP's network of Party branches installed within the army during the war years, has since played a key role in later political movements.
<h2>III. The Crackdown on Religions and Religious Groups</h2>
The CCP committed another atrocity in the brutal suppression of religion and the complete ban of all grass-roots religious groups following the founding of the People's Republic of China. In 1950, the CCP instructed its local governments to ban all unofficial religious faiths and secret societies.

The CCP stated that those "feudalistic" underground groups were mere tools in the hands of landlords, rich farmers, reactionaries, and the special agents of the KMT (Kuomintang, the Nationalist Party defeated by the CCP). In the nationwide crackdown, the government mobilized the classes they trusted to identify and persecute members of religious groups.

Governments at various levels were directly involved in disbanding such "superstitious groups" as communities of Christians, Catholics, Taoists (especially believers of I-Kuan Tao), and Buddhists. They ordered all members of these churches, temples, and religious societies to register with government agencies and to repent for their involvement. Failure to do so would mean severe punishment.

In 1951, the government formally promulgated regulations threatening that those who continued their activities in unofficial religious groups would face a life sentence or the death penalty.

This movement persecuted a large number of kind-hearted and law-abiding believers in God. Incomplete statistics indicate that the CCP in the 1950s persecuted at least 3 million religious believers and underground group members, some of whom were killed.

The CCP searched almost every household across the nation and interrogated its members, even smashing statues of the Kitchen God that Chinese peasants traditionally worshipped. The executions reinforced the CCP's message that communist ideology was the only legitimate ideology and the only legitimate faith.

The concept of patriotic believers soon emerged. The state constitution protected only patriotic believers. The reality was whatever religion one believed in, there were only these criteria: You had to follow the CCP's instructions, and you had to acknowledge that the CCP was above all religions.

If you were a Christian, the CCP was the God of the Christian God. If you were a Buddhist, the CCP was the Master Buddha of the Master Buddha. Among Muslims, the CCP was the Allah of the Allah. When it came to the Living Buddha in Tibetan Buddhism, the CCP would intervene and itself choose who the Living Buddha would be.

The CCP left you no choice but to say and do what the CCP demanded you to say and do. All believers were forced to carry out the CCP's objectives while upholding their respective faiths in name only. Failing to do so would make one the target of the CCP's persecution and dictatorship.

According to a Feb. 22, 2002, report by Humanity and Human Rights online magazine, 20,000 Christians conducted a survey among 560,000 Christians in house churches in 207 cities in 22 provinces in China. The survey found that, among house church attendees, 130,000 were under government surveillance.

In the book "How the Chinese Communist Party Persecuted Christians,"[5] it is stated that by 1957, the CCP had killed over 11,000 religious adherents and had arbitrarily arrested and extorted money from many more.

By eliminating the landlord class and the capitalist class and by persecuting large numbers of God-worshipping and law-abiding people, the CCP cleared the way for communism to become the all-encompassing religion of China.

[1] From the "Annals of Foods and Commodities" in "History of the Former Han Dynasty" (Han Shu). "All under heaven" refers to China under the emperors.

[2] Translated from "Oriental Culture," by Qian Bocheng, fourth edition (2000).

[3] Gao Gang and Rao Shushi were both members of the Central Committee. After an unsuccessful bid in a power struggle in 1954, they were accused of plotting to split the Party and were subsequently expelled from the Party.

[4] Hu Feng, scholar and literary critic, opposed the sterile literature policy of the CCP. He was expelled from the Party in 1955 and sentenced to 14 years in prison. From 1951 to 1952, the CCP initiated the Three Anti Campaign and the Five Anti Campaign, movements with the stated goal of eliminating corruption, waste, and bureaucracy within the Party, government, army, and mass organizations.

[5] "How the Chinese Communist Party Persecuted Christians" (1958) (in Chinese).

</div>

<h2>IV. The Anti-Rightist Movement—Nationwide Brainwashing</h2>
In 1956, a group of Hungarian intellectuals formed the Petofi Circle, which held forums and debates critical of the Hungarian government. The group sparked a nationwide revolution in Hungary, which was crushed by Soviet soldiers. Mao Zedong took this Hungarian event as a lesson.

In 1957, Mao called upon the Chinese intellectuals and other people to "help the CCP rectify itself." This movement, known as the Hundred Flowers campaign for short, followed the slogan of "letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend."

Mao's purpose was to lure out the anti-Party elements among the people. In his letter to provincial Party chiefs in 1957, Mao Zedong spoke his intention of "luring the snakes out of their holes" by letting them air their views freely in the name of freedom of thought and rectifying the CCP.

Slogans at the time encouraged people to speak up and promised no reprisals—the Party would not "grab pigtails, strike with sticks, issue hats, or settle accounts after the autumn," meaning the party would not find fault, make attacks, place labels, or seek to retaliate.

Yet, soon the CCP initiated an Anti-Rightist Movement, declaring 540,000 of the people who dared to speak up as "rightists." Among them, 270,000 lost their jobs, and 230,000 were labeled medium rightists or anti-CCP, anti-socialist elements.

Later some summarized the CCP's political stratagems of persecution into four items: luring the snakes out of their holes; fabricating crimes, attacking suddenly, and punishing with a single accusation; attacking relentlessly in the name of saving people; and forcing self-criticism and using the most severe labels.

What then were the "reactionary speeches" that had caused so many rightists and anti-communists to be exiled for nearly 30 years in far-flung corners of the nation? The three major reactionary theories, the targets of general and intensive assaults at the time, consisted of a few speeches by Luo Longji, Zhang Bojun, and Chu Anping. A closer look at what they proposed and suggested shows that their wishes were quite benign.

After the persecution of the intellectuals, some scholars developed a two-faced personality.

Luo suggested forming a joint commission of the CCP and various "democratic" parties to investigate the deviations in the Three-Anti Campaign and Five-Anti Campaign, and the movements for purging reactionaries.

The State Council itself often presented something to the Political Consultative Committee and the People's Congress for observations and comments, and Zhang suggested the Political Consultative Committee and the People's Congress should be included in the decision-making process.

Chu suggested that since non-CCP members also had good ideas, self-esteem, and a sense of responsibility as well, there was no need to assign a CCP member across the nation as the head of every work unit, big or small, or even for the teams under each work unit. There was also no need that everything, major or minor, had to be done the way the CCP members suggested.

All three had expressed their willingness to follow the CCP, and none of their suggestions had exceeded the boundaries demarcated by the famous words of writer and critic Lu Xun[6]: "My master, your gown has become dirty. Please take it off, and I will wash it for you." Like Lu Xun, these rightists expressed docility, submissiveness, and respect.

None of the condemned rightists suggested that the CCP should be overthrown. All they had offered was constructive criticism. Yet precisely because of these suggestions, tens of thousands of people lost their freedom, and millions of families suffered.

What followed were more movements such as confiding to the CCP, digging out the hardliners, the new Three-Anti Campaign, sending intellectuals to the countryside to do hard labor, and catching the rightists who were missed the first time around.

Whoever had a disagreement with the leader of the workplace, especially the Party secretaries, would be labeled anti-CCP. The CCP would often subject them to constant criticism or send them to labor camps for forced reeducation.

Sometimes the Party relocated whole families to rural areas and barred their children from going to college or joining the army. They couldn't apply for jobs in cities or towns either. The families would lose their job security and public-health benefits. They became lowly members of the peasant rank and outcasts even among second-class citizens.

After the persecution of the intellectuals, some scholars developed a two-faced personality. They followed closely the Red Sun (that is, Mao) and became the CCP's court-appointed intellectuals, doing or saying whatever the CCP asked. Some others became aloof and distanced themselves from political matters.

Chinese intellectuals, who have traditionally had a strong sense of responsibility toward the nation, have been silenced ever since.
<h2>V. The Great Leap Forward: Creating Falsehoods to Test People's Loyalty</h2>
After the Anti-Rightist Movement, China became afraid of truth. Everyone joined in listening to false words, telling false tales, making up false stories, and avoiding and covering up the truth through lies and rumors. The Great Leap Forward was a nationwide, collective exercise in lying.

The people of the entire nation, under the direction of the CCP's evil specter, did many ridiculous things. Both liars and those being lied to were betrayed. In this campaign of lies and ridiculous actions, the CCP implanted its violent, evil energy into the spiritual world of the Chinese people.

At the time, many people sang songs promoting the Great Leap Forward: "I am the Great Jade Emperor. I am the Dragon King. I can move the mountains and rivers. Here I come."[7]

Policies such as achieving a grain production of 75,000 kilograms (165,347 pounds) per hectare (2.47 acres), doubling steel production, and surpassing Britain in 10 years and the United States in 15 years were attempted year after year. These policies resulted in a grave, nationwide famine that cost millions of lives.

During the eighth plenum of the Eighth CCP Central Committee meeting held in Lushan in 1959, who among the participants disagreed with General Peng Dehuai's[8] view that the Great Leap Forward initiated by Mao Zedong was foolish? However, supporting Mao's policy or not marked the line between loyalty and betrayal, or the line between life and death.

The Great Leap Forward was a nationwide, collective exercise in lying.

In a story from Chinese history, when Zhao Gao[9] claimed that a deer was a horse, he knew the difference between a deer and a horse, but he purposefully called a deer a horse to control public opinion, silence debate, and expand his own power.

The result of the Lushan Plenum was that even Peng Dehuai was forced to sign a resolution condemning and purging himself from the central government. Similarly, in the later years of the Cultural Revolution, Deng Xiaoping was forced to promise that he would never appeal against the government's decision to remove him from his posts.

Society relies on past experience to understand the world and expand its horizons. The CCP, however, has taken away opportunities from the people to learn from historical experience and lessons. The official censorship of the media has only helped further lower people's capacity to discern good from bad.

After each political movement, the younger generations have only been given the Party's uplifting accounts and have been deprived of the analyses, ideals, and experiences of the insightful people from older generations. As a result, people have only scattered information as the basis for understanding history and judging new events, thinking themselves correct while deviating thousands of miles from the truth. Thus the CCP's policy of keeping people ignorant has been carried out thoroughly.
<h2>VI. The Cultural Revolution</h2>
The Cultural Revolution was a grand performance put on by the communist specter as it possessed all of China. In 1966, a new wave of violence rolled onto China, and an uncontrollable red terror shook the mountains and froze the rivers.

Writer Qin Mu described the Cultural Revolution in bleak terms: "It was truly an unprecedented calamity: [the CCP] imprisoned millions due to their association with a [targeted] family member, ended the lives of millions more, shattered families, turned children into hoodlums and villains, burned books, tore down ancient buildings, and destroyed ancient intellectuals' gravesites, committing all kinds of crimes in the name of revolution."

Conservative figures place the number of unnatural deaths in China during the Cultural Revolution at 7.73 million.

People often mistakenly think that the violence and slaughter during the Cultural Revolution happened mostly during the rebel movements, and that it was the Red Guards[10] and rebels who committed the killing.

However, thousands of officially published Chinese county annuals indicate that the peak of unnatural deaths during the Cultural Revolution was not in 1966, when the Red Guards controlled most of the government organizations, or in 1967 when the rebels fought among different groups with weapons, but rather in 1968 when Mao regained control over the entire country.

The murderers in those infamous cases were often army officers and soldiers, armed militiamen, and CCP members at all levels of the government.

The following examples illustrate how the violence during the Cultural Revolution was the policy of the CCP and the regional government, not the extreme behavior of the Red Guards. The CCP has covered up the direct instigation of and involvement in the violence by party leaders and government officials.

In August 1966, the Red Guards expelled Beijing residents who had been classified in past movements as landlords, rich farmers, reactionaries, bad elements, and rightists and forced them to the countryside.

Incomplete official statistics showed that 33,695 homes were searched and 85,196 Beijing residents were expelled out of the city and sent back to where their parents had originally come from.

Red Guards all over the country followed suit, expelling over 400,000 urban residents to the countryside. Even high-ranking officials, whose parents were landlords, faced exile to the country.

Actually, the CCP planned the expulsion campaign even before the Cultural Revolution began. Former Beijing Mayor Peng Zhen declared that the residents of Beijing City should be as ideologically pure as glass panels and crystals, meaning that all residents with a bad class background would be expelled from the city.

In May of 1966, Mao commanded his subordinates to protect the capital. A capital working team was set up, led by Ye Jianying, Yang Chengwu, and Xie Fuzhi. One of the tasks of this team was to use the police to expel Beijing residents of bad class background.

This history helps make clear why the government and police departments did not intervene but rather supported the Red Guards in searching homes and expelling more than 2 percent of Beijing residents. The Minister of Public Security, Xie Fuzhi, required the police not to intervene in the Red Guards' actions but rather to provide advice and information to them.

The Red Guards were simply utilized by the Party to carry out a planned action, and then, at the end of 1966, these Red Guards were abandoned by the CCP. Many were labeled counterrevolutionaries and imprisoned, and others were sent to the countryside, along with other urban youth, to labor and reform their thoughts.

The West Town Red Guard organization, which led the expulsion of city residents, was established under the "caring" guidance of the CCP leaders. The order to incriminate these Red Guards was also issued after being revised by the secretary-general of the State Council.

[6] Lu Xun or Lu Hsün (Sept. 25, 1881–Oct. 19, 1936) is often considered the founder of modern vernacular (Baihua) Chinese literature. As a left-wing writer, Lu made an important mark in the history of Chinese literature. Having returned to China from medical studies in Sendai, Japan, in 1909, he became a lecturer in Peking University and began writing. His books have influenced many contemporary Chinese youth.

[7] Both the Jade Emperor and Dragon King are Chinese mythological figures. The Jade Emperor, known formally as the August Personage of Jade and called informally by children and commoners as Grandpa Heaven, is the ruler of heaven and among the most important gods of the Chinese daoist pantheon. Dragon kings are the divine rulers of the four seas. Each sea, corresponding to one of the cardinal directions, is ruled by one dragon king. The dragon kings live in crystal palaces guarded by shrimp soldiers and crab generals. Besides ruling over the aquatic life, the dragon kings also manipulate clouds and rain. The Dragon King of the Eastern Sea is said to have the largest territory.

[8] Peng Dehuai (1898–1974): communist Chinese general and political leader. Peng was the chief commander in the Korean War, vice-premier of the State Council, Politburo member, and minister of defense from 1954–1959. He was removed from his official posts after disagreeing with Mao's leftist approaches at the CCP's Lushan Plenum in 1959.

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Commentary 3: On the Tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party

Full Episodes

Nine Commentaries on the Communist Party—Introduction

Commentary 1: On What the Communist Party Is

Commentary 2: On the Beginnings of the Chinese Communist Party

Commentary 3: On the Tyranny of the Chinese Communist Party

Commentary 4: On How the Communist Party Opposes the Universe

Commentary 5: On the Collusion of Jiang Zemin and the Chinese Communist Party to Persecute Falun Gong

Commentary 6: On How the Chinese Communist Party Destroyed Traditional Culture

Commentary 7: On the Chinese Communist Party’s History of Killing

Commentary 8: On How the Chinese Communist Party Is an Evil Cult

Commentary 9: On the Unscrupulous Nature of the Chinese Communist Party

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